Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle may have written off George
W. Bush's plan to open up the Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge to oil drilling as "a dead issue."
But Interior Secretary Gale Norton hasn't cried uncle just yet.
In mid-June, Norton flew to Alaska to visit the refuge, hype its
energy potential and reassure anxious oil industry execs. Norton
also attempted to buy off the Gwich'in
tribe, who live near the refuge and hunt the caribou herd that
use the arctic plain as a calving ground.
The Gwich'in treated Norton hospitably, treating her to a banquet
of moose, but told her emphatically that they were unalterably opposed
to drilling in the refuge. "We've lived off this herd for thousands
of years," said Faith Gemmill, head of the Gwich'in Steering Committee.
"We know how they react to human intrusion. If the calving grounds
are destroyed, our future is gone." Norton tried to reassure the
Gwich'in, telling them that the oil industry had improved its drilling
techniques and that they would use ice roads that melt away with
no trace in the summer months. But tribal chief Evon Peter reminded
Norton that only a few weeks earlier, a massive
oil spill had occurred at Phillips Petroleum's Kuparak site,
where 92,400 gallons of saltwater laced with crude oil poured onto
the Alaskan tundra. It was one of the largest oil spills ever on
the North Slope.
Norton left Arctic Village frustrated. During a speech in Anchorage,
she said the
Gwich'in Nation has a "choice" when it comes to preserving their way
of life. "If the group's goal is to continue their subsistence lifestyle
for generations, that is certainly their choice," she said. "But that
choice also impacts others. The children throughout America, their
lives will be affected by these decisions as well whether they will
have heat for their homes, whether they will have jobs in a prosperous
economy."
Norton isn't the only one beginning to show signs of desperation.
In March, Alaska Sen. Frank Murkowski, a millionaire who owns stock
in several oil companies active on the North Slope, personally financed
a survey of Alaskans on drilling in ANWR. Not surprisingly, the
results showed more than 70 percent support it. Of course, they
have a financial stake in the matter. Each resident of Alaska gets
an annual check courtesy of royalties paid to the Alaska Permanent
Fund by the oil companies. Last year, each check was for a record
$1,964.
But national polls are nearly the opposite of Murkowski's Alaska
survey. Nearly 60 percent of Americans oppose drilling in the refuge
even if oil prices continue to climb. All of this seemed to unnerve
the senator. On his final day as chairman of the energy committee,
Murkowski strode to the well of the Senate with an array of maps
and flip charts to perform a 20-minute rant worthy of King Lear.
"The change in the Senate leadership doesn't diminish our responsibility,"
Murkowski screamed. "The fact is that we still have an energy crisis.
The fact is we simply can't solely conserve our way out of this
crisis. The fact is supply must still meet the demand. What have
the Democrats proposed? You don't see anything in increasing production."
After Norton's visit to Alaska, she huddled with Murkowski and
oil industry execs to draw up a new game plan. Their first move
was to beef up Norton's staff by bringing on board two seasoned
Alaskans with intimate ties to big oil, Drue Pearce and Camden Toohey.
Pearce, who will become Norton's senior adviser for Alaskan affairs,
is currently a state senator. She has worked for the Arctic Slope
Regional Council and the Energy Council, an international oil lobby.
A payback may be involved here. Pearce played a key role in convincing
the Alaska legislature to pay Norton $60,000 last year to write
a legal brief for the state's appeal of the precedent-setting Katie
John ruling, which was a victory for tribal rights. Norton's
brief asserted that the Interior Department cannot ensure subsistence
hunting and fishing rights of native Alaskans by designating navigable
waterways as public lands. The Ninth Circuit Court rejected Norton's
far-flung argument.
Toohey will serve as Norton's special assistant in Alaska. He is
currently director of Arctic Power, a joint venture between the
state of Alaska and the oil industry that lobbies for increased
drilling and exploration. At Toohey's request, the Alaska legislature
recently appropriated nearly $4 million to bolster Arctic Power's
lobbying efforts on ANWR.
Neither appointment requires congressional approval, a fact that
galls Rep. Edward Markey,
the Massachusetts Democrat who is leading the fight against drilling
in ANWR. "This appointment, which places a lobbyist for the oil
industry in charge of our public lands in Alaska, is breathtaking
in its arrogance toward the public interest, and a new low point
for the Bush administration," Markey says. "What better place to
carry out the agenda of Arctic Power than from the office of the
Interior Secretary herself?"
But Toohey's appointment may be a shrewd move, designed to exploit
splits between the labor-green coalition. At Arctic Power, Toohey
successfully garnered support for expanded drilling on the North
Slope from big labor, including the Teamsters
and the AFL-CIO. Indeed, Mano
Frey, executive president of the Alaska AFL-CIO, rushed to Toohey's
defense, saying he didn't understand the criticism.
The other part of Norton's new Alaska oil plan may be even more
devious. While they will continue to push to open ANWR to drilling,
Norton intends to direct the Interior Department to speed up permitting
other oil and gas operations in Alaska. There's a lot more oil in
the National Petroleum
Reserve, the Gulf of Alaska and the Beaufort Sea than there
is inside ANWR--and it's much easier to get to with public attention
fixated on the fate of the refuge. "All in all it's turning out
to be a love fest for the oil industry," says Pam Miller, director
of Anchorage-based Arctic Connections. "Clearly, Norton's main priority
is to help big oil." 
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