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Gay Rights Win in Maine Heralds Progress in 2006

By Hans Johnson

The Maine win rebuffed right-wing efforts to tar anti-bias statutes with the marriage brush.
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The unsung comeback of the past year belongs to the resilient gay-rights movement. Moxie and recommitment to state-based organizing have marked local and national leaders’ rebound from the demoralizing gut-punch of 2004, when 13 states banned same-sex marriage through referenda. But this fall, a landmark win in Maine spoke volumes about regained momentum and refined strategy in 2006.

The Nov. 8 ballot measure in Maine sought to kill a nondiscrimination law approved in the spring by the state legislature. It was the fourth time such a bill—protecting gay people from bias in jobs, housing, credit, and public accommodations—made it through both chambers in Augusta. It was also the third time the state’s executive signed it. Current Democratic Governor John Baldacci, after inking the act, said he hoped “this time was the charm,” and vowed to help it stay in place.

Neither he nor a savvy band of activists could breathe easily, because Maine allows for nullification of newly passed laws by “citizen’s veto,” an up-or-down ballot question triggered if foes gather 50,000 petition signatures within 90 days. Using these provisions, the right wing pounced. Their best leverage was a big list of supporters from two prior repeal battles, ultimately won by anti-gay forces at the ballot box in 1998 and 2000.

For gays and allies, both losses stung. They left Maine alone among New England states without an anti-bias shield for gays and lent credence to the crackpot antics of the Christian Civic League’s director, Michael Heath. After the 1998 fight, Heath faced accusations of underhanded accounting from his own followers. In 2005, his exploits included soliciting “rumors” and “speculation” on the sexual orientation of Maine officials to post on the Internet.

Some heterosexual lawmakers mocked the stunt by outing themselves in solidarity with gay colleagues and constituents. So Heath compounded deceit with arrogance, peddling the falsehood that the law permitted same-sex marriage. He then hoped to parlay that lie to repeal the modest anti-bias proposal, which had GOP co-sponsors in the legislature. Heath’s duplicitous behavior only deepened the zeal of Christian groups to join the crusade from out of state. Focus on the Family, the Colorado-based group led by James Dobson, trotted out an ex-homosexual to sell its gays-can-change snakeoil.

But in the end, more than 44 percent of Maine voters turned out for the off-year election. And more than 55 percent voted to keep the law. Their verdict breathed life into activists, allies and movement leaders inside and outside the state. The campaign and the result stand out for a series of breakthroughs:

  • It was the first statewide win for a progressive coalition on a gay-rights issue since the coast-to-coast juggernaut of state referenda to bar same-sex marriage in the 2004 elections.

  • It was the first time activists in any state preserved a proactive policy explicitly safeguarding equal rights for gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people in a statewide vote.
  • And it was the first time in a recent statewide ballot measure on gay rights that outlying precincts in non-college towns registered close to 50 percent support for the progressive side. Ministers, churchgoers, Republicans and union members played key parts in the campaign, and the grassroots reach of community groups with door-to-door canvass operations like the Maine People’s Alliance proved indispensable. First-person testimonials from people who suffered lost jobs, promotions or leases due to sexual orientation bias also proved potent.

The turnaround from earlier urban-rural splits in the voting patterns was particularly striking and meaningful. In 1998 and 2000, northern Aroostook County (home to Republican Senator Susan Collins) sealed the fate of the two earlier gay-rights laws by voting two to one for repeal. In 2005, direct contact by coalition leaders with local voters helped cut that margin in half.

Seven years earlier, in a bold protest against the first repeal bid, Maine resident Paul Fuller walked across the state—end to frigid end—just prior to the mid-winter election in a painstaking plea for respect. His hometown, Waldoboro, rewarded his courage by voting to strip a portion of his human rights by a margin of four to three. This time, voters in Lincoln County, where Waldoboro lies, completed a particularly poignant about-face by equaling the state margin of support for the law, 55 percent.

The Maine win rebuffed right-wing efforts to tar anti-bias statutes with the marriage brush. In a twist, the wedding-banners’ blitz has actually raised awareness among Americans that no federal law yet exists to protect gay people from job discrimination in the private sector, where 80 percent of Americans work. In the continuing drive to fill this void at the state level, Illinois joined Maine in adopting anti-bias language in 2005. Washington state and Oregon came exceedingly close, with renewed pushes promised. Victories there would bring the list of states covered by such statutes to 18.

Signs of progress appeared even on the marriage front. Last May, Nebraska federal district judge Joseph Bataillon issued a stinging setback to foes of equality, striking down on constitutional grounds a state amendment passed by voters five years earlier that was so sweeping as to bar both marriage and domestic-partner benefits. In December, reporters from papers around the country checked in on California right-wing groups, and found them floundering in their drive to place a referendum before state voters in 2006 to strip away partner rights and bar equal access to civil marriage for same-sex couples. This came as Equality California and the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, among others, smartly circled wagons and courted allies, such as the state NAACP and the United Farm Workers, should a ballot fight go forward.

Resurgence of a strong, state-based movement could not come at a better time. In 1998, philosopher Richard Rorty celebrated the gay-rights struggle for its earth-shattering premise that a pervasive, everyday form of sadism is wrong and might one day be stopped. Indeed, the past year of revived grassroots success came just as the Bush administration invited Americans to be desensitized to cruelty—whether against torture victims in far-off jails or domestic survivors of a deadly storm left to drown in its riptide.

In Maine, like other corners of the country, using the law to curb intolerance has proved a drawn-out fight, full of reversals, often waged on a shoestring, like Paul Fuller’s pilgrimage. It has required that gay people outmaneuver bullies, build alliances, marshal resources and improvise. A generation ago, the poet Adrienne Rich urged activists to “take what we have to invent what we need.” The resourceful coalition and resounding victory in Maine suggest the gay-rights movement is poised to do exactly that in the year ahead.

Hans Johnson, a contributing editor of In These Times, is president of Progressive Victory, based in Washington, D.C., and writes on labor, religion and the mechanics of political campaigns.

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  • Reader Comments

    When other minorities have had to battle against the use of law as a bludgeon by activist pluralities…

    (I won’t be saying “majorities” any more on this issue; the majority don’t get off their asses to vote for anything except on the rarest occasion, and even then it’ll be a very small “majority” as a function of total registered voters. Never a true majority, when compared to total eligible voters, registered or not)

    ...activist pluralities who wanted to keep them down, there was generally a push-and-pull as the more just and humane viewpoint grew, albeit with painful slowness. Nov 2004 was a dramatic slide backward for those of us who think every one of you should be able to marry whoever you love, but it’s a finite condition. When interracial marriage was outlawed in entire regions during past decades, time and effort on behalf of broader racial justice continued to be applied. Perfect or not (not, obviously), there’s certainly a better race-picture in more American minds than there was when I was a kid. And for all the unsolved racial issues still in hand, at the very least almost no one gets riled up about “miscegenation” or whatever they called it back in the day.

    (really awful designation, since “race” is an optical and historical illusion)

    So smiles to the relentless ones in Maine, may the victory last and be the stepping stone to more.

    Meantime, take a little vacation up north into Canada like two loving buddies of mine recently did, get yourself hitched for-real.

    Chip by little chip, that ol’ monolith gonna erode right into dust…

    Cool story. Hopeful.

    Posted by Kuya on Jan 9, 2006 at 9:13 AM

    Living in Maine my whole life, I had to deal with the embarasment and anger I felt when gay rights were defeated at the polls repeatedly due to what basicly ammounted to lies.  People like Mike Heath trotted out the old racist mantra of “special rights” to gain his wins in years past, claiming that gays would be given preferance over equally qualified straight people in job oppertunities.  Progressives still display the old bumper stickers from those battles that say “Equal rights are not special rights.”

    Part of the victory was due to a huge strategic failure by the CCL.  Abandoning thier “special rights” slogans which worked so well, they focused in on marriage.  I saw many signs that read “Vote yes on 1, protect marriage, protect Maine” despite the fact that the law actually contained language specifically stating that it could not be used as precident for legalizing gay marriage.  A joke I made, which became popular at my workplace due to the nonsequitorial nature of the posters, went “vote yes on one for better toast!”

    Maine is, generally, a left leaning state which also has the libertarian aspect of fighting state power.  When the CCL did their thing the last few times, they honed in on the concept that the state was forcing people to do things.  They won those elections by tricking people into thinking that the state was going to force them into hiring gay people while making God fearing straights live on the street.  They lost this one because they strayed from that path.

    Of course, that isn’t the whole story.  Maine’s gay rights groups also did it right this time.  They drove the issue home, which ended up in huge voter turnout.  That one thing, of course, is that Mike Heath feared the most.  Voter turnout is always bad for him, since the times that gay rights were defeated in Maine turnout was stunningly low.  This time it felt like a Presidential election, with almost half of Maine’s eligable voters coming to the polls.  That is always the sign of victory for progressives here.  The higher the turnout, the more liberal the results.

    I am just very proud of Maine.  We fought the good fight and lost many times, but we never gave up.  We never accepted that less than 1/4 of the electorate should decide the fate of this great state.  We finally mobilized enough people to defeat the right wing’s agenda (destroying equal rights by having votes in off years (one, IIRC, wasn’t even in November) when they hope nobody but them will vote) and secure equality in Maine. 

    Love won out this time.  I pray that this is the strart of a trend.

    Posted by Loshi on Jan 12, 2006 at 8:31 PM
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