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Reporting on the Democratic National Convention and the protests
that accompanied it, the Washington Post declared: "Smothered by
police, straggling through smog and heat, the protest movement that
exploded late last year on the rainy streets of Seattle fizzled
out here last week." The Post's writers droned on that the activists'
thinking was foggy: "The sheer diversity of protest issues on display
muddled the movement's message."
Let's see: Several thousand activists converge on the Democrats'
convention, where private bankrolling of the party that claims to
stand up to the powerful on behalf of the weak is at its most obvious
and intense. To kick things off, protesters unfurl a banner directly
across from the convention center: a U.S. flag with corporate logos
instead of stars, and the words "Soldout USA." Pretty muddled stuff.
On the Santa Monica pier, people from Global Exchange and their
allies, poked "for sale" signs into the sand around a DNC booze-up
funded by defense contractor Raytheon and tobacco felon Philip Morris.
(So much for the PR that the Dems would touch no cash from the cancer
lobby.) The D2K Coalition, which organized the biggest protests
in L.A., joined striking workers outside a Loews Hotel, where low-wage
employees are in a bitter battle with a CEO who is a major contributor
to Gore.
It takes a concerted effort to muddle a message as plain as this.
As the week progressed, one demonstration after another condemned
corporate dominance over civic life, from the overpaying of politicians
and the underpaying of workers, to sweatshops, pollution and the
funding of for-profit prisons instead of public schools.
Conservative media, including the Post, rarely permit progressives
to air their views in full. Like television broadcasters, reluctant
to cover activism at all, they tend to cover protesters as they
would wildlife: Activists appear as strange-looking creatures whose
natural habitat is a dusty street, their language a staccato string
of slogans, chanted or yelled, accompanied by a fist clenched in
the air. Prevented from uttering full sentences, their views are
criticized as simplistic or unclear. Indeed, the very same folks
who complained that the L.A. protesters muddled their message, resolutely
ignored the substance of what they had to say.
After all, L.A. activists did not just carry placards, they ran
a veritable message machine. As in Philadelphia, the Independent
Media Center (IMC) packaged "message" in every medium: radio, video
and print. Genuinely curious reporters could have taken their pick.
In a new development, grassroots camcorder activists from groups
like the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in L.A. or Families
Against Three Strikes collaborated with experienced mavericks from
Paper Tiger/Deep Dish and FreeSpeech TV to produce two daily live
television broadcasts that reached a potential audience of 21 million
homes via satellite, public access cable and the Web. I suspect
the corporate press just couldn't make sense of it: lots of non-white,
non-old, non-clichéd Americans, speaking for themselves.
Some people in power were paying attention. On August 14, police
responded to an alleged anarchist bomb threat by barring access
to the IMC's satellite truck just long enough for the on-air time-slot
to elapse. A member of the sheriff's department even quipped that
the "threat would evaporate as soon as the satellite time elapsed."
And it did.
Later, the LAPD begged the IMC to remove the announcement they
had had posted in place of programming during the shut-down, which
explained that LAPD intervention had stopped the broadcast. Thousands
of calls were apparently coming into their office, and callers had
jammed up their lines. The Post ignored that story.
Some reporters I spoke to seemed genuinely frustrated. Excited
to be assigned to the demonstration "beat," they found their editors
would only run stories about arrests and conflict, not the protesters'
point of view.
The one street event that got full coverage was the police riot
outside the DNC site on August 14. The Los Angeles Times reported
that police fired indiscriminately on a peaceful crowd for more
than an hour that night. Unleashing a torrent of rubber bullets,
batons and pepper spray on retreating protesters and the press may
have looked like an odd way for the scandal-ridden LAPD to re-assert
its competence, but it actually accomplished two things: It ensured
that activists and party faithful would never meet, and it established
"violence" as the media's trope of the week.
The big news in Los Angeles should have been the relative lack
of violence, given the out-of-control nature of the real black bloc--the
uniformed LAPD and their undercover "scouts" who infiltrated the
protesters' ranks. Far from smothered by police, skilled organizers
used every tool in their nonviolence handbook to minimize conflict
in an incendiary situation. "It's frustrating," one high school
organizer told me late one night, as police circled the activists'
convergence center, eventually arresting two stragglers for jaywalking.
"All the trouble they cause distracts from the issues."
Fizzled out? I don't think so. I'd say a battle was joined. 
Laura Flanders
was the host of "Crashing The Party," the nightly broadcast of the
IMC.
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