Ralph Nader has a problem, except it's not really his problem.
It's ours. Nader says he's running for president on the Green Party
ticket to reinvigorate U.S. politics. It's about building a people's
movement, he says. The only snag: When it comes to people of color,
queers, feminists and a whole hunk of today's already pretty invigorated
youth movement, Nader and the people find it hard to get along.
During his September spin through California, Nader was told off
by the National Organization for Women, the (gay and lesbian) Human
Rights Campaign, and nine business-oriented people-of-color groups
who complained that Nader had marginalized their issues and failed
to organize in inclusive ways. NOW President Patricia Ireland called
Nader "ill-informed about abortion-rights" and noted that his 10-page
mission statement did not mention any explicitly feminist issues:
not birth control, not abortion, not violence against women.
Later, speaking on Radioforchange, Ireland claimed that her criticisms
had been overplayed. She wasn't "lashing out" as the San Francisco
Chronicle put it. She was just "pushing or pulling Nader to
be better on women's concerns" in the same way he's "pushing" Al
Gore to listen to the left.
Nader was having none of it. Clearly annoyed, he bit back: "I've
been fighting for women's rights since before Patricia Ireland knew
the term."
Referring to NOW's concern that votes denied Gore might result
in a slew of Republican picks on the Supreme Court, Nader accused
his critics of reverting to "the politics of fear." "It's time for
the constituency groups of the Democratic Party to hold that party
up to a higher standard," he said, "instead of crawling on their
knees to an endorsement because they believe Republicans are worse."
The last weeks of a tight campaign are no time to get Nader's ear.
With the race between Bush and Gore too close to call in California,
it was easy for his defenders to join him in trashing his critics
for acting like tools of the Democratic National Committee. But
if Nader is out to build a movement, he can't just dismiss what
he calls "constituency groups" and lecture them about seeing things
his way. "Although the most emotionally outrageous things come from
racial issues, we have to connect them to the larger picture of
class," he told a group of minority leaders in Milwaukee. "It would
be a mistake if we concentrate just on race and not class."
Maybe, but Nader is in zero danger of making that mistake.
By journalist Ruth Conniff's account, there were three black faces
in the Green Party convention hall in Denver. In Los Angeles, at
the protest around the Democratic convention, where the crowd was
irrepressibly young, articulate and not white, the Greens stood
out as the one lily-white cluster in every line-up. And the big
Green banners and Nader puppets were noticeably absent from some
key events: the protest outside the LAPD police headquarters and
the march against the criminalization of immigrants and youth, for
example.
Airing this discussion on Radioforchange, I've heard from defensive
local Greens who say they recognize the problem. In an effort to
broaden their campaign's appeal, party members in Denver are observed
S26--a day of international action around globalization--by teaming
up with Jobs with Justice in a Justice for Janitors rally. In California,
Green Senate candidate Medea Benjamin is touring state campuses
and Latino communities, where she's known for her work against sweatshops.
She says "diversifying the party" is the No. 1 priority.
But it makes life hard for these local party folks, when the top
of the ticket seems quite content to run with an all-white male
crowd. On his "Non-Voter Tour," Nader's headliners are Michael Moore,
Howard Zinn, John Anderson and Jim Hightower. His running mate,
American Indian feminist (and Harvard scholar) Winona LaDuke, has
been away for much of the campaign, touring with the Indigo Girls
to raise funds for her organization, Honor the Earth.
I'm not calling for "inclusion" Republican-style: line lots of
colored folks up and wax lyrical about "us." Nader likes to say
his campaign is about ideas, not emotions--well, talking about gender
and class is talking about ideas. Look beyond the "emotional outrage"
of bigotry, Nader says, to see the "larger picture" of class. That's
where he loses us feminists and anti-racists. Race and gender discrimination
aren't "emotionally outrageous." They are pillars on which capitalism
stands. Unpaid work by women and life-destroying work by people
whose lives are socially devalued make possible the corporate profits-for-a-few
that Nader attacks.
I long to vote for a viable left alternative. I'll do it, for the
Greens, most likely, just to make visible the existence of a defiant
left. But the people I love in the non-white activist movement won't
be coming along. I've not heard one say anything good about Nader.
In the words of my friend Peter Chung, a leader in New York's youth
action group SLAM, "I've met the Greens and they're all white."
I know the theory is that if the Green Party can win those federal
matching funds, they'll really get to take off after November 8,
but I fear the ballot box is no place to found a movement. You can't
build a people's movement without the people. 
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