C. Wright Mills: Letters and Autobiographical Writings
Edited by Kathryn Mills with Pamela Mills
University of California Press
378 pages, $34.95
At his untimely death in 1962, C. Wright Mills seemed well on the
way to advancing from the first rank of American sociologists to
the first rank of world intellectuals. In the great trilogy he published
between 1948 and 1956--The New Men of Power, White Collar
and The Power Elite--he had issued a lacerating critique
of what he expansively called "this whole setup." The books' overarching
themes were the continued division of American society into classes
with sharply divergent, even antagonistic, interests and aspirations,
and the central role of coercive power--not shared values--in holding
those classes together.
It was a bracing message for any time, and especially for that
one; its ability to find and hold a mass audience--and it did, to
an extent unmatched by anything else that could be remotely considered
sociology--was no doubt helped by Mills' central concern for the
moral qualities of life in the society he described. It was this,
even more than their literary stylings, that set his books apart
from the sociological mainstream. As he put it in the long letter
to an imaginary Russian colleague that forms the "autobiographical
writings" component of the new collection C. Wright Mills: Letters
and Autobiographical Writings, in all his work he sought "some
kind of combination answer to Lenin's question: 'What is to be done?'
and Tolstoy's: 'How should we live?' "
The trilogy--especially its first two volumes--won Mills esteem
from his academic
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"Take it big," Mills
urged his students and colleagues. Varoom!
YARASLAVA MILLS
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colleagues as well as a broad public. By the end of his life, though,
he was best known for two later books: The Causes of World War
Three, a brief for disarmament, and Listen, Yankee, a defense
of the Cuban revolution. Selling hundreds of thousands of copies each,
they dwarfed in public impact any of his--or indeed anyone else's--sociological
monographs. For the generation that was to become the New Left, those
two books made him the model of the engagˇ, uncorrupted intellectual.
For most of his peers in academia and public life, they meant, in
the words of Adolf Berle (whom Mills was to oppose in a prime-time
debate on Cuba until he was felled by his next-to-last heart attack),
that he had "degenerated from being a capable though rather left-wing
opinionated professor of sociology into a ranting propagandist."
Alongside Mills the scholar and Mills the pamphleteer was Mills
the biker, the defiant individualist in the age of the Gray Flannel
Suit, who came roaring up to his Columbia University offices on
his BMW motorcycle in work shirt, jeans and boots. "Take it big,"
he advised students and colleagues, and he always did, in his life
as much as his work.
After his death more than one friend described his habit, after
finishing dessert at one of the Manhattan steakhouses he loved,
of calling to the waiter, "That was good--I'll have the same thing
again," and working his way through another full meal. One recalls
that Thomas Wolfe, no slouch himself at a typewriter, said that
sitting down to write each day was like starting a new, enormous
meal after eating to satiation. No surprise then that Mills, who
died at only 45, was able to write four big books and four small
ones, edit or co-author three more, and produce a major translation
of Max Weber, a fat stack of scholarly articles and enough topical
writings to fill a volume of 650 pages.
The letters are at their best displaying Mills' outsize personality.
Almost every page--even the peevish complaints to publishers that
any representative collection of a writer's letters must include--conveys
energy, vitality, immense animal spirits. "Play the guitar an hour
or so at night. Read more and more on movies," he reported to his
editor William Miller in 1949. "My god what a thing they are. We
must make them: they've got everything that appeal to me in this
damn society and moreover the chance to damn everything else in
it. Will write one this summer. ... The title of the movie to be
written is: 'Enthusiasm.' "
He goes on (and on and on) about his enthusiasms: his motorcycle,
his houses (which he built--three of them--from the ground up),
his photography, anything he could do with his hands. After 300
pages, one ends with an impression of Mills that, if without much
breadth or context, certainly doesn't lack for intensity.
Among other things, the letters make clear Mills' determination
to write books with literary as well as scholarly value. As he put
it to his parents, White Collar was to be "my little work
of art: it will have to stand for the operations I will never do,
not being a surgeon, and for the houses I will never build, not
being an architect. So you see, it has to be a thing of art and
craftsmanship as well as science." His comments on the craft of
writing in these letters fit well with those in his published work,
especially The Sociological Imagination with its well-known
evocation of "intellectual craftsmanship." There, Mills warned against
both Grand Theory and "methodological inhibition," the fetishization
of techniques of data collection. Instead, theory and method are
to be treated as scaffolding: vital during the construction process,
but no longer present--or at least not visible--when the building
is done. The most "useful discussion of method as well as of theory
usually arises as marginal notes on works-in-progress or work about
to get under way," he observed.
When Mills obeyed his own strictures--and he generally did--the
results could be impressive. All but the most colorful or exemplary
evidence is hidden in footnotes (or in the author's files); any
self-conscious theory is too, or is effaced entirely. The effect
is of a mirror held up to the world; Mills' best books read not
like sociology, but like great novels (Balzac and Dos Passos were
his models). "What I want to say," he explained to Miller, "is what
you say to intimate friends when you are a little discouraged about
how it all is. All of it at once: to create a little spotlighted
focus where the alienation, and apathy and dry rot and immensity
and razzle dazzle and bullshit and wonderfulness and how lonesome
it is, how terribly lonesome and rich and vulgar and god I don't
know."
By this standard he often succeeded brilliantly. In the tradition
of the great American sociologists of the first half of the century--Park
and Burgess, W.E.B. DuBois, Carolyn Ware, the Lynds--Mills wrote
real books, intended not to argue a thesis but map out a social
totality. (Mills was in but not of this tradition: He always presented
himself as an untutored Texas "mushroom," and none of these predecessors
except fellow Columbia professor Robert Lynd, one part mentor to
three parts rival--Mills sarcastically referred to him as "God"--show
up in the letters or in Mills' major books.) What makes Mills' books
so intoxicating to read is the way they deploy every possible form
of evidence--statistical sampling, in-depth interviews, literary
and historical material--in support of a single overarching vision,
one that constantly connects the "feel and tang" of individual experience
with a rigorous account of institutions. It's hard to think of any
recent work of sociology where the scholarly machinery is so well-oiled
and works so discreetly and noiselessly out of view. Mills' best
books fully deserve the label he applied to James Agee's Let
Us Now Praise Famous Men--sociological poetry.
Why don't more social scientists write like Mills today? In fact,
there are some good reasons. Social scientists foreground method
and evidence to allow their conclusions to be independently verified;
they foreground theory to position themselves within debates in
the field. Neither can be lightly dispensed with if one wants to
be part of the larger scholarly division of labor.
But then, that's exactly what Mills didn't want. He expected his
books to be taken seriously as sociology, but he never wrote for
sociologists or let them set his problems. The audiences he cared
about were New York intellectuals first and foremost, and then the
public in general; the reviews that got him worked up were in Politics
and Partisan Review and The New Republic, not American Sociological
Review. Late in his life, he dropped even the pretense of being
part of the academic fraternity, and became increasingly enamored
of the image of the unaffiliated intellectual speaking truth to
power. Sociological poetry, yes; but his work also deserves the
description he applied to that of Marx: "It tries to be social science
all by itself."
Mills' dream of scholarly self-sufficiency is, in some ways, at
the heart of his whole outlook. This is a man, after all, who boasted
that he could build his own house with nothing but wood, wiring
and a few sheets of glass and tin ("if wood isn't available I can
cut timber and wait a year and build with that"), and who built
his own motorcycle, in a workshop in Germany. ("It is very proper,"
he wrote to his old professor Hans Gerth, "that no intellectual
group or agency should send me to Europe but that I should smell
it for the first time as an amateur mechanic.")
In his political interventions, too, he made a point of being on
his own, of having no clearly defined constituency. He called himself
a "politician without a party"; one has only to read The Causes
of World War Three, which issues its great rolling pronouncements
with supreme indifference to what agency will carry them out, to
see how seriously he took that designation. "Way down deep and systematically
I'm a goddamned anarchist," he wrote to Harvey Swados; it was Mills
who unearthed the old Wobbly slogan, "We are all leaders." Some
of his most eloquent passages, both in the letters and in his published
work, are paeans to the craft ideal.
As an ideal, the appeal of the autonomous craftsman can't be denied.
But how can one recreate this kind of autonomy without also restoring
its material basis--the standard of living of 150 or more years
ago? When production requires the coordinated efforts of a great
number of more or less specialized workers, how is unalienated work
possible? These questions are not unanswerable, but Mills never
seriously tried to answer them; instead "craftsmanship" became a
fantasy, an evasion of modern realities.
For of course, Mills didn't really build his motorcycle; he assembled
it from parts built by thousands of others; despite his boasts,
the houses he constructed were similarly the product of an extensive
division of labor. Self-reliance in political and intellectual work
is equally illusory--a fact Mills was never quite willing to accept.
Indeed, if one pole of his thought was the hierarchical and regimented
social universe presided over by "the sons of bitches who run American
Big Business," the other, as these letters make clear, was the Greenwich
Village coffeehouse milieu of the Beats. There the highest value
was personal integrity and self-discovery rather than any collective
end. In this respect, as much as in his political stances, Mills
anticipated the New Left and the counterculture. "There is a certain
type of man who spends his life finding and refinding what is within
him," he wrote cheerfully to his parents as a graduate student.
"I suppose I am of that type." It is a type that has become all
too familiar in the decades since.
Mills' uncritical embrace of individual craftsmanship, intellectual
and otherwise; his faith in the political power of personal integrity
("the politics of truth," he called it); and the leading role he
envisioned for intellectuals all grew out of the same feature of
his thinking: a lack of any idea of what a politically mobilized
society might look like. In the '40s, he still saw the labor movement
as containing at least the germ of a new kind of autonomy, one suited
to industrial society; unions, he wrote, were "the only organizations
capable of stopping the main drift toward war and slump." (The wording
is important: It's not just that bad outcomes are to be avoided,
but that drift is to be replaced with conscious mastery. Here as
so often, Mills expressed Marxist ideas while avoiding Marxist jargon.)
For Mills, as for many on the left both in the United States and
Europe, the failure of the organized working class to lead the struggle
for social transformation meant that his vision of a different world
was left unconnected to any plausible agent of historical change.
For some, this was a signal to abandon politics; Mills, to his credit,
retained his radical views, but his thinking acquired an increasingly
utopian tinge.
Nor did this problem disappear when the Cuban revolution again
offered Mills something concrete to be for. It's important to remember
that Mills was on the side of the angels with regard to Cuba, a
position that took real courage. Though his outspoken support for
the revolution won him many friends, especially in Latin America,
it also earned him intense official hostility, which may well have
hastened his death. Still, it's strange to see the Cuban revolution
being praised as, in effect, an upsurge of Emersonian individualism,
a movement without theory and, at its best moments, without leaders.
Whatever was needed, the people would simply do. Mills was right
to defend Cuba, but couldn't he have done so without falling back
on the shopworn tropes of revolutionary authenticity and spontaneity?
"Just do it" is hardly the exclusive faith of the left, of
course. In his idealistic individualism, in his distrust of theory
and bureaucracy, Mills was right in the American mainstream. His
first scholarly interest was in the pragmatists, and as his biographer
Irving Horowitz rightly points out, pragmatism never left the center
of his political thought--which, Horowitz should have added, is
too bad.
As a theorist and chronicler of social hierarchy, Mills is still
immensely valuable to anyone who wants to understand a system in
which the exercise of power is ubiquitous but not always easy to
see. And as a writer, he's certainly to be admired and learned from,
if only emulated with caution. But it's mainly the Beat sociologist,
Horowitz's "American utopian," who comes through in these letters.
That Mills can be read for inspirational effect, if your tastes
run that way; otherwise, he is only of historical interest, a missing
link between Dos Passos and On the Road.
"You ask for what one should be keyed up," Mills wrote at one point
to Gerth, who was feeling blue. "My god, for long walks in the country,
and snow and the feel of an idea and New York streets early in the
morning and late at night and the camera eye always working whether
you want or not and yes by god how the earth feels when it's been
plowed deep ... and yes by god the world of music which we just
now discover and there's still hot jazz and getting a car out of
the mud when no one else can."
Dean Moriarty couldn't have put it better. 
J.W. Mason wrote "Dancing
in the Suites" in the September 18 issue.
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