What would be a sensible way for the United States to respond to
the attacks of September 11? Though few signs of sense are to be
found in the belligerent Beltway, common sense and human decency
provide useful guideposts. The U.S. response should be based on
the proposition that all human life is equally precious. To bomb
Afghanistan and kill innocent people to get Osama bin Laden and
the Taliban would be immoral. Strategically, it would be folly.
Killing civilians in a retaliatory strike would only stoke the ranks
of Islamic fundamentalist extremists across the Muslim world. Our
allies understand this and have cautioned against such an indiscriminate
response.
Further, bombing Afghanistan would truly escalate the September
11 attacks to the level of a war. Absent such bombing, talk of war
is nonsense. We don't need a war on terrorisma war some pundits
have morphed into World War III. Going to war may motivate Americans
on the home front and unite the country, but it will elicit the
same response from those we attack. Indeed, war (did someone say
"crusade"?) ratchets up the conflict, turns criminals into warriors
(in this case holy ones) and sets the stage for a never ending series
of attacks and counterattacks, for death and more death.
The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon
are more properly described as horrendous criminal acts. With such
an understanding we could confront bin Laden's al-Qaeda organization
as we would domestic terrorists. Of course, al-Qaeda, with branches
in dozens of countries, operates on a worldwide scale. What is needed
is a global, unified response to these criminals, and the very real
threat they pose, preferably under the umbrella of the United Nations.
Such a collective response could deploy the expertise of the world's
military, police and intelligence communities and be guided by seasoned
world statesmen.
In formulating a united international strategy to stop al-Qaeda,
we could learn lessons from how other nations have coped with homegrown
terrorism. Britain doesn't bomb areas of Belfast to counter terrorist
acts by extremist Republicans and Unionists. Spain doesn't bomb
Bilbao to get ETA, the Basque separatists. Progress in these ongoing
campaigns against terrorism has come only when the Spanish and British
governments have acknowledged and addressed the legitimate grievances
of historically oppressed peopleand reined in out-of-control security
forces.
Israel also provides us with a textbook case on how to deal with
terrorists. Under Yitzhak Rabin, for a time, peace seemed possible
despite the ongoing threat of suicide bombers. The policies of the
Ariel Sharon government, endorsed by the United States with its
silencepolicies that include the bombardment of Palestinian
neighborhoodshave undone what progress was made. Similarly,
we can learn what not to do by examining Russia's brutal suppression
of the Chechen rebellion.
Unfortunately, the track record of Bush's foreign policy team,
veterans of the war on communism, does not inspire confidence. Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld rabidly opposed détente with the Soviet
Union. The future U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, John Negroponte
(his nomination slipped through committee after the attacks), turned
a blind eye to state-sponsored death squads trained by the CIA when
he was ambassador to Honduras. And Secretary of State Colin Powell
(now in the administration's moderate minority) burned Vietnamese
peasants out of their huts, "starting the blaze with Rooson and
Zippo lighters," as he recalled his autobiography.
In this atmosphere of public apprehension and fear, the terrorist
threat, like the communist menace of yore, has given the Bush administration
carte blanche to do whatever it likes. The war on communism brought
with it myriad atrocitiesatrocities that moved Congress to
put limitations on U.S. intelligence agencies. In this so-called
War on Terrorism, those controls are now heading for the bonfire.
In the enveloping darkness, it's time for those of us who doubt
the wisdom of such actions to speak out. 
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