Trenton, New Jersey—On the surface, Bret Schundler's platform has obvious

Bret Schundler: a populist Republican? TAMMY MCGINLEY/KRT

appeal to New Jersey voters. The Republican gubernatorial candidate wants to tear down the plethora of tollbooths on the state's roads. He has plans to reduce the tax burden on residents. He wants to improve the state's schools. He's also against abortion, under any circumstances, which New Jersey is not. And he's so enthusiastic about the Second Amendment that he's said he would consider allowing citizens to carry concealed weapons.

Amazingly enough, many of the state's politically moderate voters seem willing to overlook Schundler's conservatism. In June, Schundler, then mayor of Jersey City, won the Republican gubernatorial primary—beating former Rep. Bob Franks, the moderate candidate of the party establishment, by about 14 points. Schundler became the first conservative to win a statewide Republican primary in more than 20 years.

This phenomenon isn't about New Jersey voters falling to the conservative side of the political spectrum—the polls suggest otherwise. Instead, voters seem to be responding to Schundler's policy suggestions. Schundler has spent much of his time on the campaign trail addressing specific voter concerns. For example, Schundler tells voters he will tear down the unpopular toll booths on New Jersey's Garden State Parkway within months of taking office. His opponent, Democratic incumbent James McGreevey, tells voters that the various toll-collecting authorities in the state ought to be merged. McGreevey's plan may make sense to an economist, but Schundler's resonates more with the voters. "[Voters] believe politicians cave into opposition," Schundler says. "I point out all the political enemies I have. They say, 'Maybe this guy has a certain amount of courage.' "

Schundler's first foray into politics came in 1992, when the Democratic mayor of Jersey City ended up out of office and in prison. Though that first victory was narrow, Schundler became the first GOP mayor of the city since World War I. When he was re-elected a year later, he won with 69 percent of the vote. Schundler's term as mayor in Jersey City was marked by successes that won him broad support among his constituency. Crime dropped—following the national trend; taxes were stabilized; and the downtown economy boomed as Schundler attracted financial institutions from across the water, becoming a bedroom community for urban pioneers who then buoyed property values. Rich businesses, though, weren't the only beneficiaries of Schundler's tenure in Jersey City. With job losses in Jersey City outpacing the level of other distressed communities—such as Newark and Camden—luring new businesses into town became a key priority for Schundler. At the end of his term, Jersey City was recording 10 times the job growth of the state's five other largest cities combined. This gave him broad appeal in many communities, even among minorities who typically voted the Democratic line.

Schundler's success in Jersey City advocating simple concepts—such as suggesting that parents know best how to care for their children, and giving government employees more control over their health care through medical savings accounts—buoyed his brand of compassionate conservatism on the national scene. In 1999, William F. Buckley Jr. joined in the fanfare by predicting that Schundler would be a top presidential contender in 2008. But Schundler has more immediate concerns. His initiatives for education in Jersey City have turned into a proposal for school vouchers—he'll offer tax credits to parents who send their kids to private school—and a fight against teacher tenure, which has enraged the unions. Even his popular call for the elimination of tolls on the Garden State Parkway may not be capable of closing McGreevey's double-digit lead. An early August poll by Quinnipiac University put Schundler 19 points behind McGreevey, though 17 percent of those polled remain undecided, and 44 percent said they don't know enough about Schundler to form an opinion one way or another.

But in such a socially moderate state, Schundler's position on abortion is clearly a political liability. A July poll by Quinnipiac University found that nearly half of all voters in New Jersey say abortion should be generally available, while an additional 37 percent say abortion should be available with stricter limits. Only 14 percent of the state's voters agree with Schundler that abortion should never be permitted. "Being pro-life is not politically expedient," Schundler said in a late July interview. "There obviously is no doubt about that."

The Schundler camp believes it can overcome this discord. "Bret is not running under the conservative label, per se. He is a conservative, but that's not what this campaign is about," says spokesman Bill Guhl, noting that they haven't made abortion a driving issue in this race.

That's what distinguishes Schundler from other conservative candidates: Schundler's conservatism isn't the centerpiece of his candidacy. "He didn't go around saying, 'You should vote for me because I'm a conservative,' " Guhl says. "People aren't hung up on the conservative label. They're interested in the new ideas."

Though the last few weeks have been stressful—the campaigns virtually shut down after the attacks in New York and Washington—the dynamics of the campaign haven't changed much. McGreevey keeps trying to paint Schundler as an extremist, and his position on abortion continues to be a resounding note coming from the Democrats. Though McGreevey has a sizable lead, he still needs to put up a tough fight to prevent Schundler from making another comeback. A new poll conducted by Quinnipiac University shortly after the September 11 attacks gives McGreevey a 44 to 30 lead, five points less than he had in August. Schundler may be closing in.

With national attention—and money—coming Schundler's way, the final weeks of the campaign will be intense. Schundler's practical, no-nonsense approach to concrete issues is gaining the interest not only of conservatives, but of many other voters.

"McGreevey is flirting with that magic 50 percent mark that politicians say spells victory," Quinnipiac University polling institute director Maurice Carroll said in August.

But the election is still several weeks off, and who knows what surprises await.