July 10 , 2000


The End Is Near
BY RICK ROCKWELL
Can the Mexican opposition topple the PRI?

Temp Slave Revolt
BY DAVID MOBERG
Contingent workers of the world unite.

Locked Down
BY KRISTIN ELIASBERG
Prison cutbacks leave inmates hopeless.


News & Views

Editorial
BY SALIM MUWAKKIL
Just say no to the war on drugs.

Forgotten America
BY JUAN GONZALEZ
Enemies of the state.

Appall-O-Meter
BY DAVID FUTRELLE

A Terry Laban Cartoon

Bully Culprit
BY JAMES B. GOODNO
Estrada is leading the Philippines into crisis.

Three's Company
BY JOHN NICHOLS
Third parties strategize for the November elections

Don't Drink the Water
BY ERIK MARCUS

Did a factory farm cause a deadly E. coli outbreak?

Eight Is Enough
BY DAVE LINDORFF

Judge restricts freedom of anti-death penalty activists

Pass the Petition
BY TED KLEINE

In Michigan, a Republican leads a campaign to legalize marijuana

Profile
BY TRAVIS LOLLER

Irina Arellano: on strike and in style.


Culture

Botched Burbs
BY SANDY ZIPP
BOOKS: How the suburbs happened.

Harrington's Way
BY KIM PHILLIPS-FEIN
BOOKS: The Other American.

Slaughterhouse Live
BY JEFF SHARLET
BOOKS: Absolute oral history

Shakespeare Inc.
BY BEN WINTERS
FILM: Something is definitely rotten in Denmark.

Post-Feminist Smackdown!
BY JANE SLAUGHTER

 
Harrington's Way

By Kim Phillips-Fein

The Other American: The Untold
Life of Michael Harrington
By Maurice Isserman
Public Affairs
449 pages, $28.50
Michael Harrington

When Michael Harrington worked in the Catholic Worker movement as a 23-year-old in the early '50s, young staffers used to joke that they were in pursuit of sainthood. Harrington came close; near the end of his life, he became "a kind of secular Saint Francis of Assisi," in the words of his biographer, Maurice Isserman. But Harrington never grew accustomed to sainthood, even the secular variety.

His position as a lone voice of conscience speaking out against Reaganism reminded him of how irritated his mentor, Norman Thomas, had been in the position of "a socialist who threatened no one and nothing ... who could be revered on ceremonial occasions and cited to prove the country was genuinely tolerant and democratic." Assessing his own life, Harrington worried that he would be remembered only as "a lesser Norman Thomas." It was a prescient, if damning, bit of self-analysis. At the end of his new biography of Harrington, The Other American, Isserman concludes that this characterization was, unfortunately, just about right.

Michael Harrington - author of The Other America and founder of Democratic Socialists of America - makes a perplexing biographical subject. He may have been "the heir to Eugene Debs and Norman Thomas as America's foremost socialist," but only long after the Socialist Party had ceased to have any influence on national affairs. He opposed Communism in the '50s, and in the '60s he did not support the anti-war movement. He never held a position of influence in any large institution. The Other America is a moving book, but Harrington's reputation as "the man who discovered poverty" is wildly overrated, and his actual influence on the War on Poverty legislation was negligible. Even Isserman's opening quote - from the E.M. Forster novel Howard's End - suggests the difficulty of writing about someone like Harrington: "With infinite effort we nerve ourselves for a crisis that never comes."

Yet The Other American is more than a well-written biography or an elegant, balanced study of the hidden recesses of the postwar American left, though it is both these things. It is, in fact, as much a plea for a certain kind of left politics as it is a history book. What Harrington represents to Isserman is the "other" American left: anti-Communist, friendly to liberals, sympathetic to religion, willing to work within the system, nose turned up at the extremism of SDS. Isserman is not romantic about Harrington. The biography is remarkably even-handed, and offers a good account of Harrington's failures as well as his successes. But Harrington's life is of interest to Isserman primarily because it seems to represent a (mostly) usable past for what remains of the left today.

Kim Phillips-Fein, a contributing editor of The Baffler, frequently writes for In These Times.

 

 


In These Times © 2000
Vol. 24, No. 16