June 12 , 2000


Poverty in America:

Turning the Tables
BY NEIL DEMAUSE
Welfare reform face a time limit of its own.

Allied Forces
BY TED KLEINE
The National Campaign for Jobs and Income Support

Poverty in a Gilded Age
BY ANNETTE FUENTES
An interview with Frances Fox Piven.

Out of Sight
BY KARI LYDERSEN
In many cities, being homeless is against the law.

Leave the Kids Alone
BY MIKE MALES
Poverty is the real problem

The Union Difference
BY DAVID MOBERG

Down and Out on Polk Street
PHOTOGRAPHS BY KEVIN WEINSTEIN


Other Features:

Star Wars: Episode Two
BYJEFFERY ST. CLAIR
The Pentagon's latest missile defense fantasy.

"This Is Not Life. This Is Prison"
BY RICHARD MERTENS
Kosovo one year after the NATO bombing.

Bosnian Serbs Still Look to Belgrade
BY PAUL HOCKENOS


News & Views

Editorial
BY JOEL BLEIFUSS
Memo to third parties: Face Reality.

Appall-O-Meter
BY DAVID FUTRELLE

A Terry Laban Cartoon

Marching On
BY DAVE LINDORFF
Unity 2000 plans to disrupt this summer's GOP convention

The Other Side of the Street
BY KIM PHILLIPS-FEIN
Food workers target Goldman Sachs

Going to Waste
BY ERIC WELTMAN
Health Care Without Harm cleans up toxic hospitals

Profile
BY KARI LYDERSEN
Flour Power

Forgotten America
BY Juan Gonzalez
Bombs Away


Culture

Ancient Daze
BY JOSHUA ROTHKOPF
FILM: Ridley Scott's Gladiator

A Class by Itself
BY BILL BOISVERT
BOOKS: David Brooks' Bobos in Paradise

A Different Point of View
BY PAT AUFDERHEIDE
TV: P.O.V. on PBS

 

Bombs Away


By Juan Gonzalez

Early on the morning of May 4, a small army of FBI agents and U.S. marshals arrested 216 people on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques in an attempt to regain control of Camp Garcia, the Navy's bombing range there. Among those arrested were two members of Congress, Nydia Velazquez of New York and Luis Gutierrez of Chicago, as well as the Roman Catholic bishop of Caguas and the mayor of Carolina, one of Puerto Rico's biggest cities.

Many of those arrested had been occupying the range since a Puerto Rican security guard was killed last April by Navy bomber pilots who missed their targets. During that time, local fishermen, religious leaders, independence activists and environmentalists all had joined the peaceful occupation. Their actions, as previously reported in this column, ignited an unprecedented movement among all sectors of Puerto Rican society calling for an end to nearly 60 years of Navy bombing on Vieques.

The Vieques raid was the second time in a two - week span that the Justice Department found itself sending armed agents into action against Hispanic Americans. Vieques was preceded, of course, by the Elián González raid in Miami's Little Havana. In both assaults, the groups defying federal authorities had massive support from their ethnic compatriots. In both cases, they were preceded by stand - offs that stretched for months and became enmeshed in the web of presidential politics. But the Elián saga, with its soap opera plot, irresistible child star and that shocking photograph, garnered far greater media attention than Vieques, even if the latter crisis touched on far more weighty matters than some international family feud.

If you listen to Congress and the Pentagon, the entire combat - readiness of our nation hangs in the balance with Vieques. The Puerto Rican protesters, the military brass say, were undermining American defense by preventing use of the Navy's premier training range. The drum roll reached such a crescendo that few Americans could hear the nearly unanimous plea of Puerto Rico's 3.8 million people against the bombing of their inhabited Isla Nena, as Vieques is known. That bombing - and the destruction of the island's coral reefs and environment - was not only a violation of human rights, Puerto Ricans insisted, but a sign of continued U.S. colonial arrogance toward Puerto Rico.

Despite those pleas, the Pentagon and its supporters in Congress kept pressing President Clinton to move against the protesters. In January, Clinton made one of his infamous compromises with Puerto Rico's governor, Pedro Rossello. The accord called for the Navy to temporarily resume training on a sharply reduced schedule, using dummy bombs and ammunition.

In return, Rossello agreed to hold a referendum among the residents of Vieques that would decide whether the Navy should leave permanently after 2003. In addition, the White House promised $40 million in infrastructure aid to Vieques immediately and another $50 million if the referendum allowed the Navy to stay.

The agreement allows the Navy to set the date of the referendum at any point during an 18 - month period that begins this August 1. This is perhaps the first time in history that the Navy has been charged with setting the date for a civilian referendum. White House officials privately conceded that the 18 - month window was designed specifically to give the Navy time to mount a campaign to win (or buy) the backing of the Vieques population. In Puerto Rico, the governor's about - face led to a massive public outcry, especially by the island's church leaders, who organized a silent march of nearly 100,000 people in support of the protesters several weeks ago, and who continued to urge civil disobedience against the Navy.

The actual raid was classic White House image management. It was launched soon after the death of New York City Cardinal John O'Connor, an event the president's aides knew would knock all other news from the front pages for several days in New York, which is home to the country's largest Puerto Rican community, and where Hillary Clinton is seeking a U.S. Senate seat. To limit the embarrassment of having to arrest congressmen and clerics, federal agents were ordered to release all protesters without charges.

The press promptly and dutifully dropped Vieques from its radar screen. But anyone familiar with Puerto Rico's history knows this battle is far from over. At least a half dozen protesters were still hiding in the hills and the underbrush of the Vieques range as I penned these words. They include two sons of Carlos Zenon, the Vieques fisherman who sparked the first protests against the Navy's presence nearly two decades ago. The day before the federal raid, one of the Zenon brothers assured a colleague of mine that he had stashed enough food and supplies in several hiding places on the Vieques range to survive for several months. For the Navy to resume massive bombing while any civilians are still on the range is a very risky gamble.

At the same time, pro - independence leader Ruben Berrios Martinez and hundreds of others are vowing to reoccupy the range and to disrupt future Navy bombing attempts. No matter what Clinton and Rossello say, it's evident that only an immediate referendum and a speeded up timetable for Navy withdrawal will end the crisis. In Puerto Rico, the days of gunboat diplomacy, even in its liberal guise, are over.

Juan Gonzalez is a contributing editor of In These Times.

 

 


In These Times © 1999
Vol. 24, No. 14