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Sandinista Salvation?
Old adversaries make a new bid for power.
The war that bin Laden wants.
Behind the Burka
Afghan women who fight the Taliban.
Humanitarian aid has become a weapon of war.
The terrorist money trail leads back to Midland, Texas.
Congress is making the economy worse.
Why the Democrats will get trounced in 2002.
A New Peace Movement?
Should the government be allowed to hold immigrants on "classified" charges?
Citibank attacks money-laundering regulations.
Immigration reform is derailed by attacks.
Coal Miners' Slaughter
Could an Alabama disaster have been prevented?
Time Is Tight
The cutoff is starting for welfare recipients.
FILM: Take a left turn at Mulholland Drive.
Shakespeare at the Barricades
BOOKS: Insurrections in the mind.
Enduring Freedoms.
Trading on Terrorism.
Give War A Chance
Bombs away!
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SECRET KEEPERS
Should the government be allowed to hold immigrants on "classified"
charges?
As many immigrants fear for their safety after the attacks of September 11,
powers granted to federal prosecutors following the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing
are still being used to imprison immigrants based on secret evidence and classified
charges. Mazen Al-Najjar, a 44-year-old Palestinian born in Gaza City, is one of more
than two dozen immigrants detained using secret evidence in the past five years.
Al-Najjar was incarcerated in Florida for three years and seven months on classified
evidence that he and his lawyers were never allowed to see. Al-Najjar finally was freed in December 2000 after Attorney General Janet Reno
determined there was no basis for holding him, but the Immigration and Naturalization
Service and FBI continue to press their case in an effort to return him to prison.
Al-Najjars case could potentially go to the Supreme Court, says his lawyer,
Georgetown Professor David Cole, who has handled (and won) 13 classified evidence
cases. Theyre taking the position that they have the authority to
do what they did to Mazen and nothing they did is wrong, Cole says. Under the Immigration and Nationality Act and the expanded powers provided
in the 1996 Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act, a number of political
asylum seekers and immigrants have found themselves, like Al-Najjar, in a Kafkaesque
situation in which they have been detained indefinitely on classified evidence
that is not made available to them or their lawyers. The government used secret
evidence in a case against eight Palestinians in Los Angeles, and Harpal Singh
Cheema, a Sikh from India, remains in jail based on secret evidence. In secret evidence cases, former director of the CIA James Woolsey testified
before the Senate, INS procedure is to collect rumors and unfounded allegations,
not investigate them, submit them [privately] to the immigration judge, and
then demand that the individual in question be held [as] a threat to national
security if he does not succeed in refuting the charges of which he is unaware. The case against Al-Najjar seems largely based on guilt by association. Al-Najjar
was executive director of the World and Islam Studies Enterprise, an academic
research center on Islam formerly associated with the University of South Florida
in Tampa. In 1995, a series of articles appeared in the Tampa Tribune
attempting to link the center to terrorists, specifically to the Palestinian
group Islamic Jihad. The articles were later debunked by a number of sources,
including the Miami Herald, amid charges they had used biased sources
and unsubstantiated evidence to fabricate a case against Al-Najjar. Nevertheless, Al-Najjar was arrested in 1997. We were provided with only
a one-sentence unclassified summary of the classified evidence used to
obtain the arrest warrant and to deny bail, Al-Najjar says. My lawyers
tried hard to find some way to defend me, but we didnt have any access
to this information. There was no due process. Al-Najjar was held for 15 months before receiving a ruling from the Board of
Immigration Appeals upholding the Florida immigration courts decision
to detain him. In May 2000, a Florida judge declared INS treatment of Al-Najjar
unconstitutional under the due process clause and the First Amendment. She ordered
that I should be afforded first a public evidence hearing, Al-Najjar says.
In a 56-page ruling after two weeks of public hearings, the same immigration
judge who originally ordered Al-Najjars detention dismissed the INS allegations
as unfounded. After three and a half years of imprisonment based on unfounded
charges, no apologies and no compensation have been offered to Al-Najjar and
his family. Local and national groups have called for an end to the use of secret evidence, and a bill to that effect (HR 1266) introduced in the House earlier this year attracted 100 co-signers. But the bills prospects are dubious; the Bush administration is now pushing a bill that would allow the government more power to detain and deport immigrants without charging them with a crime. |