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We need to be united in the fight against fascism and repression.
In These Times is committed to remaining fiercely independent, but we need your help. Donate now to make sure we can continue providing the original reporting, deep investigation, and strategic analysis needed in this moment. We're proud to be in this together.
We need to be united in the fight against fascism and repression.
In These Times is committed to remaining fiercely independent, but we need your help. Donate now to make sure we can continue providing the original reporting, deep investigation, and strategic analysis needed in this moment. We're proud to be in this together.
We need to be united in the fight against fascism and repression.
In These Times is committed to remaining fiercely independent, but we need your help. Donate now to make sure we can continue providing the original reporting, deep investigation, and strategic analysis needed in this moment. We're proud to be in this together.
FILM: Documentaries are alive and well at Sundance.
Tony Kushner, Native Son
By Barry Joseph
INTERVIEW: The playwright on America, Israel and terror.
February 1, 2002
Carey Quite Contrary
by Kate Julian
n California, everything seems to be reversed, to occur out of the natural
order of events, to be upside down or lopsided, wrote Carey McWilliams
of the place that was his muse and enduring theme. Even to describe the
state accurately is to run the risk of being branded a liar or a lunatic.
McWilliams, perhaps the most prescient of Californias chroniclers, was
branded these and more. In 1939, the Associated Farmers, a militantly anti-labor
coalition of agribusiness interests, responded to McWilliams scathing
indictment of Californias agricultural system, Factories in the Field,
by dubbing him Agricultural Pest No. 1, worse than pear blight or boll
weevil. Two years later, Republican gubernatorial candidate Earl Warren
made firing McWilliams from his position as state commissioner of immigration
and housing a top campaign promise.
All this was payback for McWilliams tireless work as debunker of Californias
myths and as self-appointed advocate for the exploited. Decades later, his many
books and articles for the popular press remain authoritative accounts of social
struggle in California, and his impact upon subsequent observers of the California
scene is so broad as to be almost inestimable. Writers and academics running
the gamut from Mike Davis, whose chronicles of class oppression, racism and
environmental ruin are distinctly noir, to Kevin Starr, whose popular works
on California history border on rose-colored, continue to cite McWilliams. Even
a first-time reader will likely find him strangely familiar.
But despite the lasting salience of McWilliams work, the literature devoted
to his life and works is sparse, consisting of a few short journal articles
and a single dissertation. Save for McWilliams own 1979 memoir, he has
garnered no biography, and until now, his works have lacked an anthology. Small
Berkeley publisher Heyday Books steps in to fill this breach with Fools
Paradise: A Carey McWilliams Reader, a collection culled from McWilliams
many books and magazine articles. This new anthology does not quite do McWilliams
justiceit is awkwardly organized, with some puzzling inclusions and regrettable
omissionsbut it does provide a capable and long-overdue introduction.
McWilliams was not born in California, and he did not die there. He lived there
for only 28 of his 75 years, and produced his best work on the state in the
space of little more than a decade of that time. The son of a wealthy white
Colorado cattle rancher and state senator, he moved to Los Angeles in 1922,
enrolled at the University of Southern California, and earned his bachelors
degree while moonlighting in the business department of the Los Angeles Times.
After graduation, he went on to law school, married and entered a successful
Pasadena law firmall while simultaneously embarking upon a second career
as a writer.
It was at the urging of H.L. Mencken that McWilliams authored his first book,
a biography of San Francisco writer Ambrose Bierce. Mencken encouraged
my father as a writer, explains Wilson Carey McWilliams in his foreword
to Fools Paradise, and he reciprocated by imitating Menckens
hairstyle (parted straight down the middle) and his drinking habits (Bourbon
Manhattans). McWilliams spent the next few years writing literary history
and criticism for various magazines and socializing with an impressive circle
of Los Angeles writers, including Louis Adamic, John Fante, William Saroyan,
Nathanael West and William Faulkner.
Not until the turmoil of Depression-era California had begun its crescendo
did McWilliams become engaged in politics. Against the backdrop of massive labor
unrest and Upton Sinclairs campaign for governor on a platform to end
poverty, McWilliams developed an intense interest in the plight of Californias
farm laborers. This interest culminated in Factories in the Field: The Story
of Migratory Labor in California.
Hailed as a nonfiction Grapes of Wrath upon its publication in 1939,
the book was the product of McWilliams travels through Californias
fields, his involvement with labor organizing, and countless hours spent sifting
through records and poring over yellowed newspaper accounts. It presented a
history previously unrecordeda hidden history, he wrote at
the timeof the states farm industry. Today it is considered a milestone
in social history.
cWilliams soon became fascinated with the relationship between class and race.
The subject inspired much of his most passionate and groundbreaking writing,
and ultimately generated four books: Brothers under the Skin (1943),
Prejudice: Japanese-Americans: Symbol of Racial Intolerance (1944, the
first book to appear on Japanese internment), A Mask for Privilege: Anti-Semitism
in America (1945) and North from Mexico: The Spanish-Speaking People
of the United States (1950).
Three of them are excerpted here. From widespread lynchings in the 19th century
to 20th-century signs excluding Negroes and Mexicans from theaters
and roller rinks, the California that emerges from these selections is violent
and racially charged. McWilliams connects Californias attempt to
Jim Crow the Chinese with the rampant racism of the American South, noting
how southern and western senators collaborated to pass legislation barring Chinese
immigration. In so doing, he demolishes the image of California as a haven from
racial strife.
Americas entry into World War II brought the internment of Japanese-Americans,
and the ensuing years were no kinder to Californias Mexicans and Mexican-Americans.
It was a foregone conclusion, explains McWilliams, that Mexicans
would be substituted as the major scapegoat group once the Japanese were removed.
McWilliams narrative of racial tensions in homefront Los Angeles is riveting,
from the Sleepy Lagoon show trial, in which 17 Mexican-American
youths were convicted of a single murder, to the so-called Zoot-Suit riots of
1943, in which thousands of white soldiers and civilians roamed the streets
of L.A. over 11 nights, terrorizing and beating young Mexican-American men.
hen the chaos of World War II had started to subside, McWilliams published
Southern California Country: An Island on the Land, the first of two
popular books devoted to California. Selections reprinted here address the Californian
predilection for utopian schemes and the place of water in the regions
psyche and politics. Also included is McWilliams classic piece on the
states mission legend, where he takes up the contradiction
between Anglo Californians romantic obsession with their states
Mission-Spanish past and the poor treatment of contemporary Mexican-Americans.
Material from California: The Great Exception, written shortly before
McWilliams left the state in 1950 for New York and editorship of The Nation,
is regrettably absent: He once described it as the summary of his efforts to
understand the state.
But in its place, the Readers final section is devoted to short
pieces from The Nation on Californias political scene. Collected
here for the first time, they include descriptions of Earl Warrens tenure
as governor and of the Tenney Committee (a California forerunner of HUAC), as
well as such treasures as a 1950 description of Richard Nixon as a dapper
little man with an astonishing capacity for petty malice.
Even from New York, McWilliams eyes were trained closely on California.
References to early political consultants Murray Chotiner and the Spencer-Roberts
firm suggest that McWilliams recognized their significance to California politicsand
anticipated the emergence of paid political consulting as a national phenomenonbefore
almost anyone else. How to Succeed with the Backlash, a look at
the racial overtones of Ronald Reagans gubernatorial campaignone
of the most subtle and intensive racist political campaigns ever waged in a
Northern or Western stateis both incisive and disquietingly prophetic.
The volume concludes with Paradise Reagan-ed, written on the occasion
of the Gippers 1966 election. It is McWilliams at his most caustic and
disaffected.
But it would be a mistake to remember him on this note. Although he was a piercingly
ironic critic to the end, his was a criticism rooted in a profound sense of
social justice and an abiding sense that California should, and could, be better.
It would also be a mistake to remember McWilliams simply as a champion of California
exceptionalism. When McWilliams is invoked today, it is most often for his commentary
on California the quirky, California the anomalous, California the island
on the land.
While he found much that was spectacular and bizarre in Californiahe
once said that in 1920s Los Angeles he had found himself a ringside seat
at the year-round circushe also understood how intimately the states
fate was intertwined with the rest of the nation. Here, at the edge of the Pacific,
was Americas future, writ large and run amok. As he put it, Here
the swiftness of transition from rural to urban, from hardihood to wealth, has
been most pronounced, here the social neuroticism produced by such a transition
is most widespread, and here the extremes between lowest and highest
are most patent and glaring.
On this count, McWilliams was no liar, no lunatic and certainly no fool.
Kate Julian, formerly of Lingua Franca, is a research associate
at the Council on Foreign Relations.
We need to be united in the fight against fascism and repression.
In These Times is committed to remaining fiercely independent, but we need your help. Donate now to make sure we can continue providing the original reporting, deep investigation, and strategic analysis needed in this moment. We're proud to be in this together.